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Abstract

Following the historical origins, social triggers, and ethics about their status of citizenship, theRohingya should be treated properly as human-being. Even there are contradictions between the Burma Citizenship Law who did not admit them as an ethnic group of Myanmar, and Rohingya leaders who claimed as the descendants of the precolonial Muslim community of Rakhine State, it could not allow discrimination, confiscation of land, violence, and any other forms of injustice against the Rohingya. Hence, this paper would like to explain how they can be recognized in achieving their rights and reshaping the importance of humanitarian agenda, in which these are able to address the on-going abuse and exploitation within them and the needs of both critical agents and strong political solutions to alleviate the suffering of Rohingya. It also might be considered as an effort to broaden perspective among society in the meaning of refugees‟ law and protection. In case of promoting humanitarian agenda of the Rohingya, the paper has underscored this steps: 1) understanding the root cause of the stateless of Rohingya, 2) redefining values of solidarity; especially in ASEAN countries, 3) identifying the best feasible humanitarian action and initiatives, 4) reframing media and communication strategy to help encourage public opinion; and ultimately public policy to end the crisis of Rohingya.

Through science-policy interface, it provides networking schemes and humanitarian programs designed to activate their voices and initiatives, to invest for capacity- building and creating local leaders within Rohingya community. This paper can contribute to build a greater accountability at national and international level while measuring the impact of multisectoral partnerships that use an interdisciplinary approach. As a result, it will affect on the Rohingya recognition, and close their gaps and needs as a move towards well-being community.

References

[1] Undergraduate Student of Communication Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro, Indonesia.

E-mail: mega.wumboo@gmail.com

[1] Esther Kiragu; Angela Li Rosi; and Tim Morris, “States of denial”, A review of UNHCR‟s response to the protracted situation of stateless Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, (Geneva, 2011), p.7.

[1] Anthony Measures, “Who Are the Rohingya?”, Tony Blair Faith Foundation (03 June 2015), http://tonyblairfaithfoundation.org/religion-geopolitics/commentaries/backgrounder/who-are- rohingya #overlay-context=religion-geopolitics/commentaries/opinion/nigeria-under-buhari

[1] Ibid.

[1] Shibani Mahtani, “Muslim Nations Take On Myanmar over Rohingyas”, The Wall Street Journal (07 August 2012), http://blogs.wsj.com/indonesiarealtime/2012/08/07/muslim-nations-take- on-myanmar-over-rohingyas/

[1] International Crisis Group, “Myanmar: The Politics of Rakhine State”, Crisis Group Asia Report N°261, (Brussels, 2014), p.8; for a detailed analysis, see also “The Dark Side of Transition: Violence Against Muslims in Myanmar”, Asia Report N°251, October 2013.

[1] Myanmar Conflict Alert: Preventing communal bloodshed and building better relations”,

Asia Crisis Group Report, 12 June 2012.

[1] Ibid.

[1] “Final Report of Inquiry Commission on Sectarian Violence in Rakhine State”, Asia Crisis Group Report, 8 July 2013.

[1] “Internal displacement in Myanmar”, UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian

Affairs (OCHA) map, 1 June 2014.

[1] See “Assistant Secretary-General and Deputy Emergency Relief Coordinator, Kyung-wha Kang Press Remarks on Myanmar”, OCHA, 17 June 2014.

[1] “2014 Strategic Response Plan - Myanmar”, UN, December 2013.

[1] Ibid.

[1] MSF stressed that its services are “guided by medical ethics and the principles of neutrality and impartiality” and “based solely on need, irrespective of race, religion, gender, HIV status or political affiliation”. See “Tens of thousands of patients at risk in Myanmar after MSF ordered to cease activities”, press release, MSF, 28 February 2014.

[1] Crisis Group interviews, eyewitnesses, Yangon, April 2014.

[1] “Humanitarian Bulletin, Myanmar”, UNOCHA, Issue 3, March 2014, p. 1-31.

[1] 17 The UN reports that services have reached 60 per cent of the level they were at prior to the attacks. Crisis Group interview, UN humanitarian officials, Yangon and Sittwe, July 2014. See also “Humanitarian Bulletin”, op. cit.

[1] Crisis Group interviews, humanitarian workers, Sittwe, July 2014.

[1] Francis Buchanan, “A Comparative Vocabulary of Some of the Languages Spoken in the Burma Empire,” Asiatic Researchers, Vol. 5 (1799), 237, http://www.networkmyanmar.com/images/ stories/ PDF12/rohing ya-origins-1-re... .

[1] Jacques P. Leider, “Rohingya”, Rakhaing and the Recent Outbreak of Violence -A Note,” Bulletin of the Burma Studies Group, 16 (2012), 8, http://www.networkmyanmar.org/ images/stories/ PDF15/Leider-Note.pdf.

[1] Moshe Yegar, “Between Integration and Secession: The Muslim Communities of the Southern Philippines, Southern Thailand, and Western Burma/Myanmar”, (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2002), p.103

[1] Eliane Coates, “Sectarian Violence Involving Rohingya in Myanmar: Historical Roots and Modern Triggers”, Middle East Institute, (04 August 2014), http://www.mei.edu/content/map/ sectarian-violence-involving-rohingya-myanmar-historical-roots-and-modern-triggers

[1] Imtiaz Ahmed, “The Plight of the Stateless Rohingyas” (Bangladesh: The University Press Limited, 2010).

[1] Moshe Yegar, “Between Integration and Secession: The Muslim Communities of the Southern Philippines, Southern Thailand, and Western Burma/Myanmar” (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2002), p.37.

[1] Anthony Measures, “Who Are the Rohingya?”, Tony Blair Faith Foundation (03 June 2015),http://tonyblairfaithfoundation.org/religiongeopolitics/commentaries/backgrounder/who- are-rohingya# overlay-context=religion-geopolitics /commentaries/opinion/nigeria-under-buhari

[1] Ibid.

[1] Masahiro Kawai, “Challenges for the ASEAN Economic Community and ASEAN-Japan Relations (ASEAN‟s Regional Role and Relations with Japan: The Challenges of Deeper Integration),” Research paper, Grad. School of Public Policy, Univ. of Tokyo, Tokyo, Japan, 2013.

[1] Moe Thuzar, “The Role of ASEAN and Japan in Minimizing Political Instability (ASEAN‟s Regional Role and Relations with Japan: The Challenges of Deeper Integration),” Research paper, ASEAN Studies Centre, ISEAS, Singapore, 2015.

[1] Severino, R. (2006), “Southeast Asia in Search of an ASEAN Community”, Singapore:

Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, p. 11.

[1] The ARF is where diverse interests converge around discussions on regional security and stability; the ASEAN Plus Three mainly serves the need to build relationships around economic and functional priorities in East Asia; and the EAS adds a broader geopolitical dimension to discussions on strategic issues that are relevant to ASEAN‟s role and relations with external partners. See Moe Thuzar, “ASEAN‟s Regional Role and Relations with Japan: The Challenges of Deeper Integration”, Chatham House, February 2016.

[1]

31 Copies of this end-July version, a shorter 7 July text, as well as previous versions are on

file with Asia Crisis Group Report.

[1] “Situation of the Rohingya in Myanmar”, Written statement submitted by Society for Threatened Peoples, a non-governmental organization in special consultative status, 18 February 2014.

[1] International Crisis Group, “Myanmar: The Politics of Rakhine State”, Crisis Group Asia

Report N°261, (Brussels, 2014), p.34.

[1] Ibid.

[1] Human Rights Council Twenty-second session, “Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar”, Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), (Myanmar, 2013), p.5.

[1] Ibid.

[1] Ibid, p.6.

[1] Ibid

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